A Jul. 8 complaint sent by Kevin Moncla and Joseph Rossi to the Georgia State Election Board and SOS Brad Raffensperger is nothing short of spectacular investigative work. Two citizens, one an investigative reporter and the other a retired corporate executive, decided to take some election officials to task. UncoverDC reported in detail their findings on May 24. However, it bears repeating with a column on this newer complaint just how significant Moncla and Rossi’s work is.
The complaint shows a granular dive into what appears to be a trail of deception to produce a certified recount in Fulton County. The complaint alleges that “votes were simply added onto batches” or “discovered” to make up the difference because officials couldn’t reconcile the recount. I am just going to say it; these two men are legends. If what they have found is true, the recount certified by Raffensperger in December of 2020 is nothing more than a flimsy attempt to fool the citizens of Georgia into believing the reported vote totals matched the number of physical ballots in the Fulton County general election. Just an FYI, voters of America, as the two men note, “In a perfect world, there should be one ballot for every vote recorded.”
In summary, the complaint allegedly shows that there is “no paper documentation of ballots for nearly 42,000 votes.” For example, “16,382 of those votes were somehow added to the “Batches Loaded Report” (BLR) to the certified result on Dec. 4,” probably because the recount wouldn’t reconcile. The central focus of the complaint is that the Dec. 3 totals are 17,234 below the vote counts reported on Election Night. Election night showed 528,777 votes, but the physical ballots in the recount numbered 511, 543. In addition, “by the time of certification on Dec. 4, 2020, Fulton County claimed to have found 16,382 votes.” Magically, that is “nearly all of the shortfall.”
EXACTLY! 💯 https://t.co/ae9TUCZR2t
— Kevin Moncla (@KevinMoncla) July 12, 2022
Moncla and Rossi submitted open records requests that resulted in emails containing attached files. Not satisfied with cursory looks at files, he used a web browser to open files in their “native format.” Important timestamps materialized, revealing critical information to indicate that things may not have been as above board as election officials and Raffensperger would have you believe. Starting on page three of the complaint, you begin to see how the duo starts to assemble the pieces of his investigation. Some awful fishy timelines emerge.
Let’s look at one such timeline. Fulton County announces the completion of its recount on Dec. 2 by the recount deadline (which was Dec. 2). Emails fly between the Election Director and Ryan Macias a few minutes after noon on Dec. 3, showing 511,543 votes. But then, twelve hours later, the certification comes in with 527,925 votes. A Fulton County Board of Elections meeting shows they were aware of the count.
Moncla and Rossi focus on a man named Mr. Barron, who tries to explain where the numbers came from. They believe his explanation is horsepuckey and has the receipts to show it. Where did those votes come from, and why didn’t these officials say anything? As they write in the complaint, “however it was done, 16,198 votes were in fact added to the recount between the time of Mr. Barron’s email to Ryan Macias on Dec. 3 and the time of the FCBRE meeting the following morning.”
The complaint also reveals that “tabulators also do not exist.” The election night vote included results “for ten (10) Advance Voting tabulators for which Fulton County has no records—no open poll tapes, no daily status tapes, and no poll closing tapes.”
How does Moncla arrive at this conclusion? He submitted records requests specifically asking for those 10 tabulator tapes. Fulton County response? “No such records.” The pair followed up with the custodian of records, Steve Rosenberg. His answer was essentially the same. “The records do not exist.” Those tabulator tapes racked up “20,713 votes, all of which were included in the Election Night results.” By the way, Moncla and Rossi were unable to find the supporting physical ballots for those votes. (See page 10 of the complaint).
All of the data found by Moncla and Rossi have been provided to Governor Kemp. They rightly state in their conclusion that the public should have an accounting of the explanation for the “provenance of “discovered” ballots and tabulation tapes.
This complaint is magnificent because Moncla and Rossi have been downright obsessive about documenting their trail of evidence. They did it because, as Moncla told UncoverDC, he “knows the other side will try to punch holes in it.” By the way, the other side, in this case, is anyone (we’re lookin’ at you, Georgia GOP) who doesn’t care to soberly investigate election fraud.
The complaint is 84 pages of mostly evidence, and his summary is only 11 pages long. They have built their case chronologically with evidence from open records requests, election board minutes, detailed timestamps, social media posts, and news articles. This is the kind of investigative journalism that the legacy media has long abandoned probably because it is thankless and time-consuming. Citizens of America, this is how you do it. He has built an investigative record here that will hold up in a court of law. More importantly, he shows us that every day people can make inroads with a little bit of ingenuity, elbow grease, and tenacity. Make no mistake, though, whether the legacy media covers it or not, this stuff matters.